乌贼贼-四季的旅程

www.easy365.net

宫保鸡丁

糖醋排骨

鱼香肉丝

夫妻肺片

回锅肉

麻婆豆腐

酸菜鱼

蚂蚁上树

鱼香茄子堡

八宝辣酱

油炸臭豆腐

桂花蹄筋

四喜丸子

桂花糯米藕

清蒸大闸蟹

红烧甩水

砂锅鱼头

陈皮牛肉

葱酥鲫鱼

五香酱肉

 

胡适在《四十自述》里曾有这样一段文字：
   “大嫂是个最无能而又最不懂事的人，二嫂是个很能干而气量很窄小的人。她们常常闹意见，只因为我母亲的和气榜样，她们还不曾有公然相骂相打的事。她们闹气时，只是不说话，不答话，把脸放下来，叫人难看；二嫂生气时，脸色变青，更是怕人。她们对我母亲闹气时，也是如此。我起初不懂得这一套，后来也渐渐懂得看人的脸色了。我渐渐明白，世间最可厌恶的事莫如一张生气的脸；世间最下流的事莫如把生气的脸摆给旁人看。这比打骂还难受。
    我母亲的气量大，性子好，又因为做了后母后婆，她更事事留心，事事格外容忍。……我母亲待人最仁慈，最温和，从来没有一句伤人情感的话。”
    这样的母亲当然对儿子胡适产生很大的影响：
   “我在我母亲的教训之下住了9年，受了她的极大深刻的影响。我１４岁（其实只有１２岁零三个月）就离开她了，在这广漠的人海里独自混了２０多年，没有一个人管束过我。如果我学得了一丝一毫的好脾气，如果我学得了一点点待人接物的和气，如果我能宽恕人，体谅人———我都得感谢我的慈母。”
    幼年的经历，使胡适懂得了：尽量不给人看一张生气的脸。
    历史学家何炳棣在其名著《读史阅世六十年》中曾这样写道：
   “某日上午九点左右，我（何炳棣）刚要进城，厨子向胡先生（胡适）递上一张名片，胡先生相当生气地流露出对此人品格及动机的不满，但想了一想，还是决定接见。当我走出门时正听见胡先生大声地招呼他：‘这好几个月都没听到你的动静，你是不是又在搞什么新把戏？’紧随着就是双方带说带笑的声音。可以想见，这才是胡先生不可及之处之一：对人怀疑要留余步；尽量不给人看一张生气的脸。” 何炳棣感慨：“这正是我做不到的。”

无所事事的闲汉 死皮赖脸的烦人鬼 看见女人就想搭讪的色狼 网络猎艳的贱男 心怀鬼胎的偷腥汉 絮絮叨叨的长舌妇

---这样的男人，还值一板砖吗？只能苦笑六声，哈哈哈哈哈哈。

The world has changed; but China has not. China has responded to the world financial crisis with what seems to be great success. But this is an illusion. China's solution – a surge in spending on investment – will create greater excess capacity. China's high-savings, high-investment economy is costly for its people and destabilising for the world. The time for a radical reform is long past.

In a disturbing new report, the European Chamber of Commerce in China lays out the challenge in six sectors: aluminium, where the capacity utilisation rate is forecast to be 67 per cent in 2009; windpower, on 70 per cent; steel, on 72 per cent; cement, on 78 per cent; chemicals, on 80 per cent; and refining, on 85 per cent. Yet vast additional capacity is on the way.

The scale of the excess capacity is breathtaking. At the end of 2008, China's steel capacity was 660m tons against demand of 470m tons. This difference is much the same as the European Union's total output. Yet, notes the report, “there are currently 58m tonnes of new capacity under construction in China”. To the extent that gross domestic product is driven by such absurd spending is a measure of waste, not of economic welfare.

Foreign producers fear the impact of China's growing surplus capacity on their markets. But this is not just a problem for specific industries. It is a broader problem. China has become hooked on an unbalanced pattern of economic development, in which investment cures this year's excess capacity by increasing next year's.

In China's current development model, household income is taxed, to support corporate profits. Corporations now generate more than half of China's huge savings. Since consumption tends to grow more slowly than GDP, excess capacity can only be used up via yet more investment or exports. This year, economic crisis has made the latter impossible. But China desperately needs to expand its exports once again. The result may well be a crisis in the trading system.

China's trading partners have to engage with the rising giant. They must explain that they cannot – and will not – absorb the surplus capacity its heavily distorted model of development is creating. But they can point out that this pattern also damages the standards of living of ordinary Chinese. China has to shift income from its corporations to its households and spending from investment to consumption. What is needed for that is a massive structural reform. This must start now. Indeed, it may already be too late.

*****************************************************

世界已经发生了变化，但中国还没有变。中国针对全球金融危机做出的回应，看似极为成功。但这是一个假象。中国的解决方案是大幅增加投资支出，这将带来更大的产能过剩。高储蓄、高投资的中国经济，对中国人民来说代价高昂，对世界也具有破坏稳定的影响。早就应该推行彻底的改革。

中国欧盟商会(European Chamber of Commerce in China)在一份令人不安的新报告中，指出了六个行业的挑战：2009年铝业的产能利用率预计为67%；风力发电业为70%；炼钢业为72%；水泥业为78%；化工业为80%；炼油业为85%。然而，庞大的额外产能仍在建设中。

产能过剩的规模令人瞠目。2008年底，中国炼钢业产能为6.6亿吨，而需求为4.7亿吨。其差额大致相当于欧盟的总产出。但前述报告指出，“目前中国还在建设5800万吨的新产能”。国内生产总值(GDP)由如此荒唐的支出推动，是一种浪费（而非经济福祉）的表现。

外国生产商担心，中国经济的富余产能不断增长，给他们的市场带来冲击。但这还不只是特定行业的问题，而是一个具有更广泛影响的问题。中国已变得依赖于一种不平衡的经济发展模式：用投资“治愈”今年的产能过剩，结果增加了明年的产能过剩。

根据中国目前的发展模式，政府对家庭收入征税，支持企业利润。如今，企业占中国庞大储蓄额的一半以上。由于消费的增长速度往往低于GDP增速，过剩产能只能通过更多的投资或出口得到利用。今年，经济危机使出口变得不可能。但中国亟需再度扩大出口。结果很可能是一场贸易体系内的危机。

中国的贸易伙伴不得不与这一崛起中的巨人保持接触。他们必须解释，他们不能（也不会）吸收中国严重扭曲的发展模式正在产生的过剩产能。但他们还可以指出，这种发展模式也损害了中国百姓的生活水平。中国必须把收入从企业向家庭转移，把支出从投资向消费转移。实现这两大转移，需要推行大规模的结构改革。这种改革必须从现在就开始。事实上，现在可能已经太晚了。

cited from http://www.ftchinese.com

这就是哈佛大学凌晨四点的景象……




馆训:

1．现在睡觉的话会做梦而现在学习的话会让梦实现
This moment will nap, you will have a dream; But this moment study,you will interpret a dream.

2．我无所事事地度过的今天是昨天死去的人们所奢望的明天
I leave uncultivated today, was precisely yesterday
perishes tomorrow which person of the body implored.

3．感到晚了的时候其实是最早的时候
Thought is already is late, exactly is the earliest time.

4．不要把今天的事拖到明天
Not matter of the today will drag tomorrow.

5．学习的痛苦是一时的而没有学习的痛苦是一辈子的
Time the study pain is temporary, has not learned the pain is life-long.

6．学习不是人生的全部但连学习都征服不了你还能做什么？
The study certainly is not the life complete. But, sincecontinually life part of - studies also is unable to conquer, what butalso can make?

7．学习不是因为缺少时间而是缺少努力
Studies this matter, lacks the time, but is lacks diligently.

8．所有人的成功都不是偶然的
Nobody can casually succeed, it comes from the thoroughself-control and the will.

9.无法避免的痛苦就去享受吧！
Please enjoy the pain which is unable to avoid.

10．早起的鸟儿有虫吃
Only has compared to the others early, diligently diligently, canfeel the successful taste.

11．成功并不属于每个人
Nobody can casually succeed

12.时间在流逝
HOW time flies

13.今天流下的口水将变成明天流下的泪水
Now drips the saliva, will become tomorrow the tear

Those longing for strong-armed rule may outnumber those who want to preserve their imperfect democracy.

 

Five years ago this month, an orange sea of Ukrainians flooded the streets of Kiev. Protesting the attempt of then-President Leonid Kuchmas' administrative machine to falsify election results, they demanded the right to choose their country's leader. They demonstrated to the world their desire for freedom, justice, and democracy. They brought new leadership to power but it failed to deliver most of the promises given to the people on the frozen Maidan. Disillusioned and discouraged, Ukrainians are coming to the polls once again this January. And now, those longing for strong-armed rule may well outnumber those who want to preserve their imperfect democracy. It's time for the West to take note.

Over the past five years, the people's desire to see political leaders held accountable for their wrongdoings remains unfulfilled. The promise of justice, which became the mantra of the Orange Revolution, was betrayed in its aftermath. Most of the crimes of Mr. Kuchma's regime remain unpunished, while many of their alleged instigators still enjoy privileged status and material comfort. Some even received awards or promotions from the new authorities. Moreover, Ukraine's current rulers retain immunity from prosecution and engage in corrupt activities with the same sense of impunity as their predecessors. According to a 2009 Transparency International report, Ukraine's corruption level remains on par with Russia, Sierra Leone and Zimbabwe, showing no improvement since 2004.

Unrealized reforms and widespread corruption have had a major corrosive effect on the Ukrainian public. According to the last poll by the Pew Research Center, over two-thirds of Ukrainians believe that only a leader with a strong hand can solve the country's problems. By contrast, jonly one in five Ukrainians thinks that democracy is an answer. Even though disappointment with democracy and capitalism shows in most of the countries of the former Soviet bloc, Ukraine still stands out. Only a third of Ukrainians approve of the country moving from a state-controlled to a market economy, and a change to multiparty democracy.

From a once promising democratic leader in the region, Ukraine has transformed into an example of disenchantment for the democratic and civil society activists in neighboring countries. Belarusian activists and Russian opposition can no longer show their followers that effective public protest can bring genuine changes to the country.

Responding to public demand and pursuing their own agenda, the front runners in the 2010 Ukrainian election are promising to restore Putin-style vertical power with centralized political control. Moreover, they lack transparency in decision making and possess a weak commitment to fighting corruption especially in their close circles. They hide their true personal wealth and publicize dubious income declarations that have become the target of many investigative reports.

Day-by-day it is becoming harder for Ukrainian journalists to do their job. Even before the election campaign started, a Ukrainian court barred criticism of one presidential candidate, current Prime Minister Yulia Tymoshenko The ruling was later revoked after a major outcry from civil society groups. Still, TV reports are not covering the sharpest criticism of the front runners. The main achievement of the Orange Revolution, freedom of the press, is now in danger. Having once managed to reclaim their rights and freedoms in front of the world, Ukrainians risk losing it all over again.

The EU and other democratic nations need urgently to develop a clear constructive and principled policy with regard to Ukraine. Their calls for free and fair elections today will not have much of an effect on the Ukrainian authorities without a real commitment to hold them to their word. Whoever will become the next president of Ukraine needs to be watched closely, and they should get that message now. Another honeymoon with a Ukrainian leader, if similar to the one with Mr. Kuchma in 2000 and with Victor Yushchenko in 2005, could lead to the complete collapse of Ukraine's fledgling democracy.

If the next leaders of Ukraine prove unwilling or unable to bring about change for the country, and instead continue down the path toward their authoritarian past, the only solution for the west will be to focus on the growing civil society and support new emerging leaders. This, at least, will guarantee that the few gains of the Orange Revolution will not be reversed. And even if Ukrainians lose their way today, the basic democratic reforms they have earned will ensure that their destiny will still remain in their own hands.

cited from http://online.wsj.com/article/SB10001424052748704888404574547373765885440.html written By MYROSLAVA GONGADZE

****************************************************

概+选译：渴望铁腕政治的人将超过那些想延续并不完美的民主的人。。。。乌克兰人民在5年前取得了橙色革命的胜利，他们向世界展示了自己对自由、公正和民主的渴望。他们拥立了新的领导人，但是新领导人并没能兑现大部分的承诺。。。。现在，可能更多的人渴望强有力的统治，而不是延续并不完美的民主。。。橙色革命时的公正的承诺得到了背叛，失责的政治领导大多没有受到惩罚，反而继续在新政府中享有特权和舒适的物质生活，甚至继续升迁，现在的民选统治者和以前的一样，享有司法豁免权，继续着腐败。。。超过3分之二的乌克兰人认为，只有一位铁腕人物才能解决国家问题，与之相比，只有5分之一的乌克兰人认为民主能解决问题。。。2010年选举的热门人选，为了响应民众的呼声和自己的目标，承诺，将重塑普京式的中央集权统治的垂直权利。。。。。

 

王维 送别

棒子是标题党，说的是“友好”邻邦克瑞娥，目前给了我国某些地区的某些人的30天免签待遇，无非是为了吸引我国富裕起来的某些人民去旅游去花钱去贸易。那就来看看都是哪些人吧，其中赫然就有公务员这一特殊人民，专门的列明，是免签的对象，地区么到没剧透的太清楚，估计猜测以及杜撰，应该是北京上海广州等经济发达地区，大概还能包括我呆的地方，算是发达省份和小富城市，看看，看看，连棒子都给我国的人民分了369等，可见和谐还是目标，平等只是遮羞布，也就不难理解，为啥，一样的idcard，不一样的身价；为啥，公务员考试都要挤破脚后跟，因为当仆人就可以做主人的主，连去克瑞娥都可以比主人优先。。。

 

房子不是标题党，司机小王准备买房子，为钱发愁，结婚的时候，找了一个好老婆，没提什么没房不嫁，没车不娶的高要求，但是眼瞅着要下一代的计划提上了日程，就想给将来的新丁一个家的感觉，觉得继续租房不是那么回事了。各个小区转了转，当然所谓的高档小区就只能过而不入，只是平民的聚居地，房价就让小王一身的冷汗，每个月都是死工资，最多还弄点出差补助啥的小零花，如果不买房呢，小两口倒也过得潇洒，可以嘻嘻哈哈，时不时的还能打打牙祭，搓两把基本码的麻将，这要是咬牙买上房，估计就只有天天吃公司餐厅的份了，这还是在这小地方，房子的价格只能是大地方地下室的价格，说是解放了，均田地，其实小地主是没有了，但有了最大的地主，写的名字是全体人民，而收钱的躲在人民背后的政府，就好象董事们找来一个总经理，付工资给他，他还占了所有董事的投资款，真搞不懂谁给谁打工呢。用头发想都能明白，那房子就是拿银子做钢筋，用玉石做砌墙砖，称称重量也不值那些钱，成本占的最多是打了地基的那块地，加上开发商为了拿地而加入的灰色投入和自己昧良心的哄抬，这些都转嫁到人民身上，仆人和狗腿子倒是赚了盆满钵满，这是什么逻辑啊，地是全体人民的，却要人民自己花钱买回来，就像床是我的，我自己睡在上面，应该最多再掏个被褥钱，现在却要掏全款。还说错了一点呢，即使你掏了全款，过几年，你会发现，掏了全款也白搭，除了被褥是你的，床又成了人家的了，那个人家的名字倒是和你有关-全体人民-让你一头雾水，到底我是不是这个国家的人民呢？

Chinese are just like New Yorkers. They can't stop talking about real estate.

In Shanghai, which is China's New York, locals and expats are doing their best to foist American-style consumerism onto China's rising masses—with mixed results. Starbucks has opened several hundred stores, even though China has no coffee-drinking culture to speak of. As it spreads into China, Toys "R" Us is trying to convince higher-income Chinese parents that toys are a part of a childhood, not a distraction from preparation for the all-important national college entrance exams. Dickie Yip, executive vice president at Bank of Communications, lamented that 80 percent of the 11 million Chinese people who have opened up credit card accounts with the bank pay off their accounts in full every month. "We're encouraging our best customers not to repay," he said.

But there's one distinctly American habit the Shanghaiese seem to have picked up easily: talking about money, profits, and real estate prices without self-consciousness. I'm traveling in China this week and next with a group of American journalists. And we were instantly schooled by our interlocutors on the divide between the political capital (Beijing) and the financial capital (Shanghai). Beijing is all about politics, analysis, debate. In Shanghai, it's all pragmatism, getting things done, and making money. "To get rich is glorious," as Deng Xiaopoing famously said.

As in New York, real estate in Shanghai is a topic of near universal conversation. And as in New York, those fortunate enough to acquire property in the 1970s have done extraordinarily well. We visited the home of the Gao family on the 31st floor of a tower in Hongye Gardens, a 2004-vintage 12-building complex of high-rise buildings cleaved by gardens, fountains, and a children's playground—the sort of thing you might find on the Upper East Side of Manhattan. The parents, in their 50s, are both longtime employees of Shanghai's public bus company—the husband a middle manager, the wife a retired laborer. Their daughter, Yang Gao, a recent graduate of Fudan University, is going to start work at Ernst & Young next month. They were happy to share details of their personal finances. The Gaos were given the opportunity to buy workers' housing elsewhere in Shanghai very cheaply a few decades ago. That apartment, which they still own and rent out, has soared in value. The apartment in which they currently live, with finishes and features typical of a nice Manhattan apartment (save the two turtles in a box on the terrace) is around 1,300 square feet, and they paid about $200,000 for it a few years ago. The government workers, in other words, had morphed into landlords and residents of a fancy high-rise development. Their daughter, who majored in French, is about to join a global accounting firm.

Of course, there are ironies. Chairman Mao, unsmiling, peers out from every yuan bill—the pink 100, the green 50, the jade 20. (Shanghaiers of a certain ilk are frustrated that the highest denomination is the 100 yuan bill, only about $14.) The classless, harmonious society is in fact bifurcating—between urban and rural, between the prosperous coast and the modernizing interior, between those who were fortunate to get in on the ground floor of reform and those who are just now arriving on the scene. "Shanghai is not China," Dickie Yip of Bank of Communications told us. "What you see here is not representative." And as we left Shanghai I began to get a sense of that. On Tuesday, I sat in the Pudong airport, waiting to catch a flight to Shongqing, the inland city that is the gateway to China's vast west. We were surrounded by well-dressed business travelers, black laptop carrying cases slung around their shoulders, worry-beading their phones and BlackBerrys. This could have been the holding area for the USAirways shuttle at Reagan National. Then around the corner came a group of 20 older travelers. Cheap plastic backpacks were strapped to their backs, and they wore hats, earmuffs, and scarves. They had the weathered faces and stooped posture of peasants.

* cited from http://www.newsweek.com/id/223530 written by Daniel Gross

李白 月下独酌

为了让西部地区贫困孩子温暖过冬，在易宝支付、开心网、腾讯网、51.com、优酷网等单位的大力支持下，中国扶贫基金会于11月20日正式启动了主题为“孩子，让我们一起温暖过冬吧”的“为西部地区贫困孩子捐赠过冬棉衣公益行动”，捐赠200元即可捐赠一个温暖孩子爱心包（1件羽绒服+1顶帽子或1副手套），帮助一个西部地区贫困孩子温暖过冬。

您可以通过以下几种方式，参与“温暖行动”：
1、在线捐赠：
http://gongyi.yeepay.com/donategroup/directDonate.action?donateProjectId=125&customerId=911382
2、银行汇款:
户名：中国扶贫基金会
账号：8145-11681908091001
开户行：中国银行北京科技会展中心支行
（捐款请注明：“温暖行动”）
3、邮局汇款：
地址：北京市海淀区双榆树西里36号南楼5层
收款人：中国扶贫基金会
邮编：100086
（捐款请注明：“温暖行动”）